Kobani: Turkish Kurds watch as US airstrikes hit Isis

A huge blast, a column of dust and smoke, and then a round of cheering from Kurds gathered on a hilltop near Kobani, watching a rare American intervention in the bitter battle for their home.

Within minutes though, gunfire had started up again, a reminder that while air strikes serve as a dramatic morale boost to spectators and anti-Isis forces inside the Syrian border town, they have done little to turn the tide of a ruthless campaign.

Crowds who were gathered on hilltops just a few hundred metres inside Turkey – near enough to hear the gun battles, but distant enough to feel safe – said they had watched the fight drift westwards over several days as militants took street after street.

“I just watch the fighting and feel pain,” said Ismail Usdamir, a 47-year-old farmer, as ambulances raced down the main road from the border, taking wounded fighters for treatment, and the unclaimed dead for burial in the nearby cemetery.

Black Isis flags can be seen from Turkey, flying over a strategic hill and on at least one building. The hardline group now controls more than a third of Kobani, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, but commanders have reportedly rushed in extra troops, suggesting the strength of resistance had surprised them.

Isis had pledged to hold prayers for the Muslim holiday of Eid in the town’s mosques, but its fighters are still tied down in slow fighting through tightly packed homes and apartment buildings. “The clashes are ongoing – street battles,” militia chief Esmat al-Sheikh told Reuters by telephone from inside the city. He estimated that around a quarter of the town was now controlled by Isis.

They cannot be taken out by air strikes now though, because they are fighting at such close quarters. The town’s fate will be decided on the ground.

“Air strikes alone are not going to do this … they’re not going to save the town of Kobani,” Pentagon press secretary, Rear Admiral John Kirby, admitted in a news briefing. “We all need to prepare ourselves for the reality that other towns and villages, and perhaps Kobani, will be taken.”

The main group fighting Isis, the Kurdish YPG militia, are far less well armed and running low on supplies of ammunition, but are well trained and determined to hold on to the last Kurdish enclave on a long stretch of the border with Turkey.

“My children will stay there until the fighting ends. If they opened the border I would go and bomb them myself,” said 48-year-old Bediar Gulkus, standing within sight of the town where she believed her son and daughter were battling Isis. She had come to feel close to them – not to try and get them back, she added. “We would fight even if we have nothing left but stones. But we are asking the international community for help.”

That assistance is unlikely to come soon, say western leaders, who have pledged to keep their soldiers’ boots off Syrian soil.

People watch the clashes between Isis and Kurdish armed groups in Kobani.
People watch the clashes between Isis and Kurdish armed groups in Kobani.

“As horrific as it is to watch in real time what’s happening in Kobani, it’s also important to remember that you have to step back and understand the strategic objective and where we have begun over the course of the last weeks,” the US secretary of state, John Kerry, said in a briefing.

Instead, the US has been leading a diplomatic push to win more Turkish support for the men and women defending Kobani. Retired US general John Allen, special envoy for the international coalition fighting Isis, arrived in Turkey on Thursday for talks.

Ankara wants a broader strategy aimed at toppling the Syrian leader, Bashar al-Assad, while Washington is focused on Isis. Turkish leaders are also suspicious of links between the Syrian Kurds defending Kobani and Kurdish separatist groups fighting the Turkish state.

Turkish tanks are lined up along the border, and there is a heavy police and military presence, but for now most of it is directed at keeping Kurds who want to join the battle away from crossings, and others from gathering to watch or protest.

Even after stray mortar shells and bullets flew over the fence, not a shot has been fired into Syria. Instead, civilians on the Turkish side have been regularly teargassed and hit by water cannon, and one group of refugees even taken into detention.

For Kurds across the region, the fight for Kobani has become more than a battle for a town. They have come from towns around Turkey to join the militias fighting inside, or to protest against the Turkish government’s inaction, and demand more help.

“The fence is just a geographic obstacle, they can’t put a fence in my heart,” said Leila Salman, a 31-year-old who is running a protest camp just near the border where hundreds of Kurds have gathered from around Turkey in a show of solidarity with the besieged town.

“What is happening in Kobani is the most important thing in our life,” she said. “When it comes to the Kurds, everyone in the world just closes their eyes, but Kurds are not blind.”

 

Source: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/09/turkey-isis-syria-kobani-control-jack-kirby

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Kobanê’ye Destek Eylemleri Sırasında Öldürülen Direnişçiler

15 Eylül 2014′ten beridir aralıksız sürmekte olan Kobanê direnişinin sadece Kobanê’ ile sınırlı kalamayacağı IŞİD saldırılarının başladığı ilk günden itibaren açıkça belliydi. Bunun en temel sebebi, Türk devletinin Kobanê’ye yaklaşımı ile Türkiye/ Kuzey Kürdistan sahasında yürüyen çatışmasızlık sürecine dair planlarının et ve tırnak derecesinde birbirleriyle ilişkili olmasıdır. IŞİD ile Türk devleti arasında “herkesin bildiği sır” olarak süregiden ittifaka karşı sadece Rojava cephesinde mücadele vermek, Kürt hareketinin bir noktaya kadar tölerans gösterebileceği bir durumdu. O nokta ise IŞİD’in Kobanê’yi ele geçirmesinin yadsınamaz bir ihtimal olacağı noktaydı. Kürt hareketi son ana kadar, Türk devletinin kendi elleriyle zeminini ördüğü bir halk isyanını aslında sonuna kadar, barışçıl çözümün mümkünatına inandığı için, bekletti. Diğer yandan, ileride tarihçiler belki de bugünleri yazarken “varoluşuna geç kalmış bir isyan” diye başlık atabilirler. Bunu henüz yakın geleceği göremediğimiz için bilmiyoruz. Lakin modern zamanlarda gerçekleşen tüm halk isyanlarının sonucundan bağımsız yarattıkları etkiyi bu isyan da halihazırda yapmış durumda: Perde kalktı! Hakikat ayan oldu. İsyan bittiğinde zalimler de karşısında duranlar da karşısında durmaya cesaret edemeyenler de hakikatine kavuşmuş olacak.

Aşağıda bu halk isyanında polis, asker ve/veya devletin palazlandırdığı Hizbullah/Hüda-Par ve Ülkücü çeteler eliyle katledilen direnişçilerin bilgileri yer almaktadır. Bu direnişçilerin sadece birer rakam olarak değil, adı belli onurlu insanlar olarak hatırlanması için tarihe not düşmek niyetiyle kaydediyoruz.
kobaneeylem
Kaynak: http://zanenstitu.org/kobaneye-destek-eylemleri-sirasinda-oldurulen-direnisciler/
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Why the US should take PKK off the terror list

David L. Phillips

Turkey appears on the verge of civil war. Turkish Kurds are enraged by Turkey’s refusal to help their Kurdish compatriots in Kobani, a city across the border in Syria under brutal attack by ISIS. The Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK) has threatened to end peace talks and resume hostilities.

A picture taken on August 21, 2014 shows women Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) patrolling on the front line in the Makhmur area, near Mosul, during the ongoing conflict against Islamic State (IS) jihadists.

Ahmad Al-Rubaye | AFP | Getty Images A picture taken on August 21, 2014 shows women Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) patrolling on the front line in the Makhmur area, near Mosul, during the ongoing conflict against Islamic State (IS) jihadists.

The United States can help calm the situation by removing the PKK from its list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs). Dignifying the non-violent struggle of Kurds for greater political and cultural rights would encourage moderation, accelerating the PKK’s transformation into a political party.

For sure, the PKK has committed crimes in the past. But since its cease-fire with Turkey two years ago, the PKK has become a force for good in the region.

PKK fighters recently saved thousands of Yazidis, breaking through ISIS lines to establish a 40-mile long humanitarian corridor from Mount Sinjar to sanctuary in Syria.

The PKK joined Syrian Kurds in a heroic defense of Kobani. Scores of PKK fighters died, defending Kurds and other minorities from beheadings by ISIS.

The PKK proved its commitment to peace in Turkey following the cease-fire agreement by withdrawing forces from Turkish soil. It entered into a political dialogue with Turkey’s National Intelligence Agency.

The United States should link removing the PKK from its FTO list with the PKK’s commitment to a peaceful path. The PKK seeks a dignified peace. Eliminating indignities will shape its approach going forward. The region is roiled by enough violence, without a resurgent civil war in Turkey.

Commentary by David L. Phillips, director of the Program on Peace-building and Human Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He is a former senior adviser and foreign affairs expert to the U.S. Department of State during the administrations of Presidents Clinton, Bush and Obama.

Taken from: http://www.cnbc.com/id/102068092

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Kobane: Hypocrisy of imperialism, complicity of Turkey and heroic struggle of the Kurdish People

Erdal Kacar

The struggle of the Kurdish forces of the YPG and YPJ that have been defending the town of Kobane against the onslaught of ISIS forces that outnumber and outgun them, has been nothing short of heroic. The fight for Kobane has been raging for more than three weeks and has intensified in the last few days as the Kurdish forces had to withdraw back into the centre of Kobane from their defensive positions outside the town. Reports are now coming in of intense urban fighting as the YPG and YPJ are resisting the advances of ISIS street by street.

Horrified by the prospect of a massacre should Kobane fall and disgusted by the collusion of the Turkish state with ISIS by allowing them to cross the Turkish border freely to resupply and receive medical help, the Kurdish population in Turkey has erupted into mass revolt against the AKP government in many major cities across Turkey.

kobani

Kobane is a town of approximately 160,000 people located on the Syrian/Turkish border. Kobane controls the Mursitpinar Turkish border crossing. It sits between two other border crossings controlled by ISIS, Tel Abyad to the east and Jarabulus to the west. The acquisition of Kobane would be of great strategic value to ISIS as it would enable them to link these two border crossings and consolidate its position in the region. It will also enable it to receive greater financial and military support from the Turkish side of border.

Control of Kobane fell to the PYD, the Syrian arm of the PKK, in 2011 following the outbreak of revolution in Syria. Assad’s regime collapsed in the east and south of the country and in the Kurdish area in the north. Assad’s forces had to forsake these regions, withdrawing to defend the west of Syria and fight the rebels in the major cities such as Damascus and Aleppo. Islamic fundamentalists assumed control of the east and south of the country while the Kurds proclaimed independence and self-government in Rojava, the northern Syrian Kurdish enclave.

The assault on Kobane, as part of a wider assault on Rojava, started on 15th September from three fronts with an ISIS force estimated to be in the many thousands with heavy weapons such as artillery and tanks. In spite of the YPG and YPJ’s valiant efforts to resist their advance, ISIS has pushed closer and closer to Kobane, tightening its siege, until it finally took key hills around the town. From these positions ISIS commenced bombardment of the centre of Kobane as it advanced into the outskirts of the town. The Kurdish forces intensified their counter-offensive and harassed the ISIS advance.

Fighting with only small arms and some anti-tank weaponry, YPG and YPJ forces have displayed incredible resourcefulness and bravery. They have valiantly taken on ISIS tanks, destroying many of them with great efficiency and confidence. Despite being outnumbered on all fronts the YPG and YPJ have dealt heavy blows to ISIS, killing many hundreds of ISIS militants. Many Kurdish sources have likened the resistance to that against Hitler’s sixth army in Stalingrad during the Second World War.

The stubborn resistance of Kobane stands in stark contrast to the ease with which Mosul fell to ISIS in June. Nobody believed Kobane could have stood for so long against the massive ISIS assault. The fall of Kobane has been announced with glee day after day for the past week by many, with the Turkish state and media shouting the loudest. But Kobane’s resistance continued in the face of the bloody chorus. The reason Mosul fell so easily was because of the utter rottenness of the Iraqi regime and the complete demoralised ineptitude of the Iraqi army coupled with the resentment of the Sunni population against the government.

rojava1

Kobane’s stubborn resistance on the other hand, in the face of superior force, is the result of iron determination of Kurds who are defending their own homes, communities and democratic self-rule. The prospect of national liberation and the aspiration for an egalitarian and equitable society drives the defenders of Kobane to fight with great determination. In the areas controlled by the YPG and YPJ the people have been running their own affairs in a democratic manner, with mass assemblies and local committees. In this experience we have had a glimpse of what can be done when the ordinary working people are allowed to express themselves. This fact explains why the Kurds of Kobane have been left to their own devices. No power in the region wants to see a PKK-backed and controlled area establishing itself as a model to the people of the region.

However, it must be pointed out that the ideas of the Kurdish independence movement in Rojava and the rest of Kurdistan are not clear on what sort of system they wish to create, other than desiring democracy in the abstract. The hammer blows of events, however, are making the necessity for socialism and internationalism clearer for the Kurdish nation. They cannot count on the help of either US imperialism or the Turks!

War tends to bring to the fore the tensions that exist under the surface in society and precipitates the contradictions at play. It also has the ability to unmask the brutal face of the bourgeoisie and imperialism. The utter complacency of the Turkish government in the face of the impending massacre only a few kilometres away from its border is clear for everyone to see. Following discussions with the Turkish government in Ankara, Salih Muslim, the co-leader of the PYD, announced that the Turkish government was not willing to even allow PYD to buy weapons and ammunition “with its own money” to take into Kobane, unless the YPG joined forces with the Free Syrian Army and fought against Assad. This highlights the fact that the Turkish state is more interested in its own imperial ambitions than the plight of a people on the verge of butchery.

There have also been reports from Kurdish sources, supported by video evidence, that ISIS forces are receiving supplies and medical support from Turkey. A video has been released showing four ISIS fighters crossing the border into Syria from Turkey close to Kobane laden with arms and supplies. They are then engaged by Kurdish forces and are killed. The YPG then proceed to park a large truck on the train tracks along the border on the Turkish side thought to be used by Turkey to supply ISIS. In a recent interview with CNN, the Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, when asked if Turkey was supporting ISIS across the border, replied by stating that “no one can prove this”. In the face of the evidence this is not very convincing.

Before ISIS came to the forefront of the news agenda after its lightning advance into Iraq and horrific beheadings of captured westerners, it was well known that Turkey was supplying and supporting rebel forces in Syria including Islamic fundamentalists against Assad. Turkey was also allowing its territory to be used by these groups, including ISIS, for training and medical support.

What the Turkish ruling class fails to realise with its meddling in the Syrian civil war is that it runs the risk of spilling over into Turkey. This is a real possibility given that the same ethnic, religious and political fault lines in Syria exist in Turkey, albeit in different proportions. The battle of Kobane is already leading to major unrest across the whole of Turkey. Turkey’s actions have dealt a heavy blow to the peace negotiations that were underway between representatives of the Kurds and the Turkish state to end the forty year war with the PKK. It has deepened the divide between Turkey and the Kurds and is consolidating the distrust that has existed for decades. Kurds are increasingly infuriated by Turkey’s collusion with ISIS. What is particularly irritating for the Kurds is Turkey’s massing of tanks on the border, watching on as ISIS pound Kobane.

To add insult to injury the Turkish army has been ordered to evacuate villages along the Syrian border close to Kobane. Turkish riot police and army have attacked the many thousands of civilians who have collected at the many villages along the border to observe the fighting and support those fleeing Kobane into Turkey. Kurdish sources state that the intention of the evacuations and assault on the observers is to clear the area so support can be given to ISIS without witnesses. The truth of this was demonstrated when a group if ISIS fighters crossed over into Turkey following US air strikes. In spite of clearly crossing the border in the full view of Turkish forces they were not engaged. They were subsequently chased back by civilians on the Turkish side of the border.

ISIS mortars and bullets also crossed onto the Turkish side hitting buildings and gatherings of civilian observers. There were many injuries and it was only by chance that there were no fatalities. Kurdish sources have pointed to the possibility of Turkish soldiers giving the coordinates of the building used by Kurdish supporters to ISIS. Regardless of the validity of this claim, ISIS had clearly fired on and in many cases crossed over into Turkish territory. In spite of this the Turkish armed forces failed to respond. This has understandably disappointed the Kurds.

The Turkish Parliament recently passed a motion allowing Turkish armed forces to join the coalition against ISIS. The motion also called for the creation of a buffer zone in northern Syria to protect Turkey against the ISIS threat. This, from the point of view of the Kurds, is a direct threat to invade and disperse their hard won gains in Rojava. Turkey’s reluctance to offer any kind of support to Kobane and watch it suffer the ISIS onslaught further reinforces this belief.

The battle of Kobane has also brought to the fore the utter hypocrisy of US imperialism. The United States, along with its coalition partners took the decision to conduct airstrikes against ISIS and other Islamic fundamentalists in the region following ISIS’s invasion of Iraq. The aim of the airstrikes was purportedly humanitarian, to prevent ISIS from committing massacres against civilian populations in Syria and Iraq and to prevent the government of Iraq being overrun.

In the last month there has been no greater humanitarian support needed than that of the people of Kobane, who have been facing the onslaught of ISIS on three fronts and with its back to a semi-hostile border with Turkey. US airstrikes have been conspicuous for their virtual absence. What little airstrikes that did take place had little effect in “degrading and destroying” ISIS capabilities.  In fact the airstrikes near Kobane seemed to have the effect of funnelling ISIS closer to Kobane. It was only in the last day that US airstrikes have had any material effect on ISIS. But this was delayed, for some reason, until the very last minute when Kobane and its defenders were virtually on their knees.

From this one can only surmise that the intention of US imperialism is to allow the PYD and the YPG to be crushed before they do something about “saving” Kobane. The Turkish government’s promise not to allow Kobane to fall also contradicts their actions on the ground. Turkish forces look on as the defenders of Kobane fight a desperate battle. Kurdish officials of the PKK and PYD predict that Turkish forces will only move against ISIS in Kobane once the YPG have been defeated. The action on the ground points to this being an accurate appraisal. It is clear that Turkey would rather see Rojava crushed by ISIS lest it be an inspiration to Turkish Kurds. The battle of Kobane shows that the US is less concerned with humanitarian ambitions than it is with defending its interests in Iraq. ISIS had existed long before its invasion of Iraq and had been carrying out atrocities for many years. In facts the Kurds had repelled the Al Nusra Front – a precursor to ISIS – from Rojava in 2012 and 2013. The US only began paying attention to ISIS after it threatened its interests in Iraq. Before this it was supporting and funding them by proxy.

Kurds all over the world and those who support them, socialists and Marxists included, are appalled at the suffering of the people of Kobane. At the same time they are inspired by the valiant struggle of the YPG and YPJ fighters. Demonstrations in supports for the people of Kobane have been organised in many cities across Europe.

Everyone is talking about the need to fight ISIS, but so far very little has actually been done. The Kurds of Syria have been the most valiant fighters against ISIS, but are being outgunned by well-equipped and well-financed Islamic fundamentalists. What should be done is to supply the Kurds of Kobane with the arms they need to defend themselves. The governments of the west consider it more important to see an end to the leftist administration of Rojava, than a real fight against ISIS. However, they will not even allow volunteer PKK fighters to cross the border into Kobane to help the people there defend themselves.

In the last few days major protests, verging on insurrections, have erupted across Turkey in many key cities. Violent protests have been ongoing in Istanbul and Izmir for the past couple of days, with fires being lit in the streets and clashes with police reported. In many of the Kurdish cities of Turkey, such as Diyarbakir, Batman, Mardin and many other places, there are reports of violent clashes between protestors and police. At the time of writing, 12 protestors have been reported to have been killed in the clashes.

It is reported that demonstrators have burned down several office buildings of the Ruling AKP party in many of the Kurdish cities. Several police stations have been raided and occupied with weapons being confiscated from the police as the demonstrators arm themselves. In response, the Turkish army has been ordered onto the streets in many Kurdish towns and cities. These demonstrations were in part in response to the PKK leadership’s call to widen the Kobane struggle to all parts of Kurdistan and the world. There is also a real likelihood that PKK guerrillas may be ordered to commence fighting with the Turkish army once more, which will be the end of any peace talks.

The battle of Kobane could be the spark that sets the Kurdish nation once more on the move. The protests across Kurdistan and the rest of Turkey have already reached insurrectionary proportions. This could have revolutionary consequences for Turkey and Kurdistan which, in turn, could breathe new life into the Arab Spring and set the whole region alight once more.

It is the duty of Marxists to support the Kurdish people in their struggle, both in Kobane and in the rest of Kurdistan. However, it is also our duty to point out that the only way to success is not through narrow nationalism but through international socialism. It is for this reason that we call on the leaders of the Kurdish nation, the PYD, PKK, BDP and HDP, to sever their ties and stop their futile haggling with the Turkish bourgeois state. We call on the leaders of the Kurds to dispense with any illusions they may have with the USA as a saviour. We ask these leaders to call over the heads of the Turkish bourgeoisie to the workers and progressive elements in Turkish society to rebel against their own governments in the face of the atrocities being perpetrated.

The Kurdish people must place no confidence in any imperialist coalition. Neither the US nor Europe will do anything to achieve a genuine homeland for the Kurds. And Turkey will only use the Kurds to push forward its own interests in the region. What is required is an organised effort of the Kurdish workers and peasants with the support of their Turkish brothers and sisters.

The Turkish government is the enemy of both Turkish and Kurdish workers. The Kurdish people must seek and win the support of the Turkish working class and forge an alliance against the two faced and repressive Turkish state. So long as the bourgeois regime in Turkey remains in power it will use all its resources to deny the Kurds their basic democratic rights. In the final analysis a solution to the Kurdish question can only be achieved through an all Middle eastern revolution, that can put an end to all the despotic capitalists regimes in the region.

Kaynak site: http://www.marxist.com/hypocrisy-of-imperialism-complicity-of-turkey-and-heroic-struggle-of-the-kurdish-people.htm

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Dünya Suriye’deki Devrimci Kürtleri Neden Görmezden Geliyor? David Graeber

Çeviri: Onur Günay

Suriye Savaş Alanında demokratik bir deneyim IŞİD tarafından yok ediliyor. Dünya kamuoyunun bundan bihaber hâliyse tam anlamıyla skandal.

Babam, İspanya Cumhuriyeti’ni savunmak için 1937’de Enternasyonel Tugay gönüllüsü oldu. Olası bir faşist darbe anarşistlerin ve sosyalistlerin öncülük ettiği işçi isyanı sayesinde geçici olarak durduruldu. Bunun sonucunda İspanya’nın önemli bir kısmında şehirlerin doğrudan demokratik yönetim altına girdiği, işletmelerin ve üretimin işçilerin kontrolüne geçtiği ve kadınların radikal bir şekilde özgürleşmesini mümkün kılacak hakiki bir toplumsal devrim meydana geldi.

İspanyol devrimciler bütün dünyanın peşinden gitmek isteyeceği bir özgür toplum hayali yaratmayı umut ettiler. Bunun karşısında, dünyadaki büyük güçler ise “müdahalesizlik” politikası ilan ettiler ve cumhuriyet üzerinde katı bir abluka uyguladılar. Mussolini ve Hitler’den sonra dahi, görünürdeki imzacılar faşist tarafı güçlendirmek için silahlar ve askerler yolladılar. Sonuç, devrimin yok edildiği ve yüzyılın en kanlı katliamlarından bazılarının yaşandığı, yıllarca sürecek olan bir iç savaş oldu.

Hiçbir zaman aynı şeyin tekrar yaşanacağını göreceğimi düşünmemiştim. Hiçbir tarihsel olayın bir daha tam olarak tekrarlanmadığını biliyoruz. 1936’da İspanya’da olanlarla şu an Rojava’da –Kuzey Suriye’nin üç büyük Kürt kenti- olanlar arasında binlerce fark var. Ancak bazı benzerlikler o kadar çarpıcı ve sinir bozucu ki, ailesinin siyasetle ilişkisi birçok şekilde İspanya devrimi tarafından tanımlanmış birisi olarak şunu söylemek zorunda hissediyorum: Bu defa da aynı şekilde sona ermesine izin veremeyiz.

Rojava Özerk Bölgesi, bugünkü hâliyle, Suriye Devrimi trajedisinden sonra ortaya çıkan birkaç tane parlak bölgeden bir tanesi –hatta en parlaklarından. Esad rejiminin temsilcilerini 2011’de uzaklaştırdıktan sonra ve neredeyse bütün komşularının düşmanlığına rağmen, Rojava sadece bağımsızlığını koruyan bir bölge olmadı, aynı zamanda tarihe geçecek bir demokratik deneyimi de hayata geçirdi. Halk meclisleri oluşturuldu ve bunlar karar alıcı organlar hâline getirildi; etnik dağılıma özen gösterilen konseyler seçildi (her belediyede en üst düzey üç görevin bir Kürt, bir Arap ve bir Süryani ya da Hıristiyan Ermeniye verildiği ve bu üç görevliden en az birisinin kadın olduğu), kadın ve gençlik konseyleri kuruldu. Ve İspanya’nın silahlı kadın güçleri olan Mujeres Libres (Özgür Kadınları) hatırlatan kayda değer tarihi bir yankıyla, “YJA Star” milislerinden oluşan (“Özgür Kadınlar Birliği”, buradaki “Star” kadim Mezopotamya tanrıçası İştar’a gönderme yapmaktadır) ve İslam Devleti güçlerine karşı yürütülen savaşın önemli bir kısmını üstlenen feminist bir ordu kuruldu.

Nasıl olur da böylesi bir deneyim uluslararası kamuoyunun neredeyse tamamı ve uluslararası solun büyük bir kısmı tarafından ısrarla yok sayılabilir, görmezden gelinebilir? Bunun en önemli sebebi, öyle gözüküyor ki, Rojava’nın devrimci partisi PYD’nin Türkiye’deki Kürdistan İşçi Partisi’yle (PKK) işbirliği içinde olmasıdır. PKK, Türk Devleti’yle kökleri 1970’lere dayanan uzun bir savaş geçmişi olan Marxist bir gerilla hareketidir. NATO, ABD ve AB PKK’yi resmi olarak “terörist” bir örgütlenme olarak sınıflamaktadır. Solcularsa Stalinist olduklarını söylemektedir.

Ancak işin aslı şu ki, PKK artık eskiden olduğu gibi o tepeden aşağı örgütlenen Leninist bir parti değil. Örgüt kendi iç değişiminin ve 1999’dan bu yana Türkiye’de bir ada-cezaevinde tutulan kurucusu Abdullah Öcalan’ın entelektüel müdahaleleri sonucunda amaçlarını ve taktiklerini bütünüyle değiştirmiştir.

PKK, mücadelesinin amacının Kürt devleti olmadığını açıklamıştır. Bunun yerine, kısmen sosyal ekolojist ve anarşist Murray Bookchin’in vizyonundan da etkilenerek, Kürtlere “özgürlükçü belediyecilik”/“demokratik özerklik” temelinde doğrudan demokrasi ilkelerine yaslanan, özgür ve kendini yöneten toplulukların kurulması yönünde çağrılar yapmıştır. Özgür ve kendini yöneten bu demokratik toplulukların bir süre sonra ulusal sınırları aşarak bir araya geleceği gelmesi ve bu sınırları anlamsızlaştıracağı umut edilmektedir. PKK, Kürt mücadelesinin ancak bu sayede hakiki demokrasi, katılımcı ekonomi ve bürokratik ulus-devletin aşamalı çözülmesini hedefleyen bir uluslararası hareketin modeli hâline gelebileceğini savunuyor.

2005’ten bu yana, Chiapas’taki Zapatista isyancılarının stratejisini de göz önünde bulunduran PKK, Türk Devleti’yle tek taraflı ateşkes ilan etti ve hâli hazırda kontrol ettiği bölgelerde demokratik yapılar geliştirmeye başladı. Bazıları bu konudaki ciddiyetlerini sorguladı. Örgüt içindeki bazı otoriter unsurlar varlıklarını açıkça sürdürdü. Ancak Suriye Devrimi’nin Kürt radikallere bu tarz toplumsal deneyleri daha geniş bir komşu bölgede gerçekleştirme şansı verdiği Rojava deneyimi, bu yaşananların bir vitrin süsleme durumu olmadığını çok açık bir şekilde gösterdi.

Konseyler, halk meclisleri ve milisleri oluşturuldu, rejimin mülkleri işçiler tarafından işlenen ve yönetilen kooperatiflere dönüştürüldü –ve bütün bunlar aşırı sağcı IŞİD güçlerinin sürekli saldırılarına rağmen gerçekleştirildi. Sonuçlar toplumsal devrimin bütün şartlarını yerine getiriyor. En azından Orta Doğu’da herkes bu çabaların farkında, özellikle de PKK ve Rojava güçlerinin yereldeki Peşmerge güçlerinin terk ettiği Şengal Dağı’nda mahsur kalan binlerce Êzidi mülteciyi kurtarmak için Irak’taki IŞİD bölgesine müdahale etmesi ve bu bölgede başarılı bir şekilde savaşmasından sonra. Bu çabalar bölgede çok ciddi bir başarı sayılırken, Avrupa ve Kuzey Amerika basınından neredeyse hiç yer bulmadı.

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Şimdi IŞİD, Irak ordusundan aldığı Amerikan yapımı tankların ve ağır silahların yardımıyla Kobanê’deki devrimci milislerden intikam almak amacıyla geri döndü. Niyetlerinin bütün sivil halkı katletmek ve köleleştirmek –evet kelimenin tam anlamıyla köleleştirmek- olduğunu açıkladılar. Bu sırada, sınırda bekleyen Türk ordusu cephane ve mühimmatın direnişçilere geçmesini engelliyor. Dünyanın en önemli ve büyük demokratik deneyimlerinden birisini savunanları baskı altında tutanlarla savaşta olduğunu söyleyen Amerika’nın uçaklarıysa görünüşe bakılırsa sadece ilerde bir şeyler yaptıklarını söyleyebilmek için havada vızıldıyor, ara sıra sembolik, sinir bozucu ve önemsiz bombardımanlar yapıyor.

Eğer bugün Franko’nun yüzeysel dindarlığına, katliamcı Falanjistlere benzer birileri varsa o IŞİD değil de kim olacak? Eğer bugün İspanya’nın özgür kadınlarına benzer birileri varsa Kobanê’deki barikatları savunan cesur kadınlar değil de kim olacak? Dünya kamuoyu – ve bu sefer en vahimi de uluslararası sol- gerçekten de tarihin kendini tekrarına izin vererek bu suçun ortağı mı olacak?

The Guardian, 8 Ekim 2014

Kaynak: http://zanenstitu.org/dunya-suriyedeki-devrimci-kurtleri-neden-gormezden-geliyor-david-graeber/

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